M?ori language

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M?ori (; M?ori pronunciation: ['ma:??i]  listen), also known as Te Reo ("the language"), is an Eastern Polynesian language spoken by the M?ori people, the indigenous population of New Zealand. Since 1987, it has been one of New Zealand's official languages. It is closely related to Cook Islands M?ori, Tuamotuan, and Tahitian. The number of speakers of the language has experienced a sharp decline since the end of World War II, despite a language revitalization effort.

A national census undertaken in 2013 reported that about 149,000 people, or 3.7% of the New Zealand population, could hold a conversation in M?ori about everyday things. As of 2015, 55% of M?ori adults reported some knowledge of the language; but of these speakers, only 64% use M?ori at home and only around 50,000 people can speak the language "very well" or "well".

There was originally no native writing system for M?ori. Missionaries brought the Latin alphabet around 1814, and linguist Samuel Lee worked with chief Hongi Hika to systematize the written language in 1820. The resultant phonetic spellings were remarkably successful. Written M?ori has changed little since then.

Video M?ori language

Name

The English word comes from the M?ori language, where it is spelled "M?ori". In New Zealand, the M?ori language is commonly referred to as Te Reo [t? '??.?] "the language", short for te reo M?ori.

The spelling "Maori" (without macron) is standard in English outside New Zealand in both general and linguistic usage. The M?ori-language spelling "M?ori" (with macron) has become common in New Zealand English in recent years, particularly in M?ori-specific cultural contexts, although the traditional English spelling is still prevalent in general media and government use.

Preferred and alternate pronunciations in English vary by dictionary, with being most frequent today, and , , and also given.

Maps M?ori language

Official status

New Zealand has three official languages: English, M?ori and New Zealand Sign Language. M?ori gained this status with the passing of the M?ori Language Act 1987. Most government departments and agencies have bilingual names; for example, the Department of Internal Affairs Te Tari Taiwhenua, and places such as local government offices and public libraries display bilingual signs and use bilingual stationery. New Zealand Post recognises M?ori place-names in postal addresses. Dealings with government agencies may be conducted in M?ori, but in practice, this almost always requires interpreters, restricting its everyday use to the limited geographical areas of high M?ori fluency, and to more formal occasions, such as during public consultation. Increasingly New Zealand is referred to by the M?ori name Aotearoa 'the long white cloud', though originally this referred only to the North Island of New Zealand.

An interpreter is on hand at sessions of the New Zealand Parliament in case a Member wishes to speak in M?ori.

A 1994 ruling by the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council in the United Kingdom held the New Zealand Government responsible under the Treaty of Waitangi (1840) for the preservation of the language. Accordingly, since March 2004, the state has funded M?ori Television, broadcast partly in M?ori. On 28 March 2008, M?ori Television launched its second channel, Te Reo, broadcast entirely in the M?ori language, with no advertising or subtitles. The first M?ori TV channel, Aotearoa Television Network (ATN) was available to viewers in the Auckland region from 1996, but lasted for one year only.

In 2008, Land Information New Zealand published the first list of official place names with macrons, which indicate long vowels. Previous place name lists were derived from systems (usually mapping and geographic information systems) that could not handle macrons.

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History

According to legend, M?ori came to New Zealand from Hawaiki. Current anthropological thinking places their origin in tropical eastern Polynesia, mostly likely from the Southern Cook or Society Islands region, and that they arrived by deliberate voyages in seagoing canoes - possibly double-hulled and probably sail-rigged. These settlers probably arrived by about AD 1280 (see M?ori origins). Their language and its dialects developed in isolation until the 19th century.

Since about 1800, the M?ori language has had a tumultuous history. It started this period as the predominant language of New Zealand. In the 1860s, it became a minority language in the shadow of the English spoken by many settlers, missionaries, gold seekers, and traders. In the late 19th century, the colonial governments of New Zealand and its provinces introduced an English-style school system for all New Zealanders. From the mid 1800s, due to the Native Schools Act and later the Native Schools Code, the use of M?ori in schools was slowly filtered out of the curriculum in order to become more European. Increasing numbers of M?ori people learned English.

Revitalization Efforts

Until the Second World War (1939-1945), most M?ori people spoke M?ori as their first language. Worship took place in M?ori; it functioned as the language of M?ori homes; M?ori politicians conducted political meetings in M?ori; and some literature and many newspapers appeared in M?ori.

Before 1880, some M?ori parliamentarians suffered disadvantages because Parliament's proceedings took place in English. However, by 1900, all M?ori members of parliament, such as Ngata, were university graduates who spoke fluent English. From this period, the number of speakers of M?ori began to decline rapidly. By the 1980s, fewer than 20% of the M?ori spoke the language well enough to be classed as native speakers. Even many of those people no longer spoke M?ori in the home. As a result, many M?ori children failed to learn their ancestral language, and generations of non-M?ori-speaking M?ori emerged.

By the 1980s, M?ori leaders began to recognise the dangers of the loss of their language, and initiated M?ori-language recovery-programs such as the K?hanga Reo movement, which from 1982 immersed infants in M?ori from infancy to school age. There followed in 1985 the founding of the first Kura Kaupapa M?ori (Years 1 to 8 M?ori-medium education programme) and later the first Wharekura (Years 9 to 13 M?ori-medium education programme). Although "there was a true revival of te reo in the 1980s and early to mid-1990s ... spurred on by the realisation of how few speakers were left, and by the relative abundance of older fluent speakers in both urban neighbourhoods and rural communities", the language has continued to decline. The decline is believed "to have several underlying causes". These include:

• the ongoing loss of older native speakers who have spearheaded the M?ori language revival movement;
• complacency brought about by the very existence of the institutions which drove the revival;
• concerns about quality, with the supply of good teachers never matching demand (even while that demand has been shrinking);
• excessive regulation and centralised control, which has alienated some of those involved in the movement; and
• an ongoing lack of educational resources needed to teach the full curriculum in te reo M?ori."

Based on the principles of partnership, M?ori-speaking government, general revitalisation and dialectal protective policy, and adequate resourcing, the Waitangi Tribunal has recommended "four fundamental changes":

1. Te Taura Whiri should become the lead M?ori language sector agency. This will address the problems caused by the lack of ownership and leadership identified by the OAG.
2. Te Taura Whiri should function as a Crown-M?ori partnership through the equal appointment of Crown and M?ori appointees to its board. This reflects [the Tribunal's] concern that te reo revival will not work if responsibility for setting the direction is not shared with M?ori.
3. Te Taura Whiri will also need increased powers. This will ensure that public bodies are compelled to contribute to te reo's revival and that key agencies are held properly accountable for the strategies they adopt. For instance, targets for the training of te reo teachers must be met, education curricula involving te reo must be approved, and public bodies in districts with a sufficient number and/or proportion of te reo speakers and schools with a certain proportion of M?ori students must submit M?ori language plans for approval.
4. These regional public bodies and schools must also consult iwi in the preparation of their plans. In this way, iwi will come to have a central role in the revitalisation of te reo in their own areas. This should encourage efforts to promote the language at the grassroots.

The changes set forth by the Waitangi Tribunal are merely recommendations that do not have to be put in place by the government of New Zealand.

There is however evidence that the revitalization efforts are taking hold, as can be seen in the teaching of Te Reo in school curriculum, Te Reo's use as an instructional language, and the supportive ideologies surrounding these efforts. A survey was conducted in 2014 consisting of students ranging in age from 18-24 and were of mixed ethnic backgrounds ranging from P?keh? to M?ori who lived in New Zealand. This survey showed a 62% response saying that Te Reo was at risk. Albury argues that these results come from either Te Reo not being used enough in common discourse or the number of speakers was inadequate for future language development. Albury argues that the opinions toward Maori language revitalization is important because they shape the success of policies put forth by the government.

The policies for language revitalization have been changing in attempts to improve Maori language use and have been working with suggestions from the Waitangi Tribunal on the best ways to implement the revitalization. The Waitangi Tribunal in 2011 identified a suggestion for language revitalization that would shift indigenous policies from the central government to the preferences and ideologies of the M?ori people. This change recognizes the issue of Te Reo revitalization as one of indigenous self-determination, instead of the job of the government to identify what would be best for the language and Maori people of New Zealand.

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Linguistic classification

Comparative linguists classify M?ori as a Polynesian language; specifically as an Eastern Polynesian language belonging to the Tahitic subgroup, which includes Cook Islands M?ori, spoken in the southern Cook Islands, and Tahitian, spoken in Tahiti and the Society Islands. Other major Eastern Polynesian languages include Hawaiian, Marquesan (languages in the Marquesic subgroup), and the Rapa Nui language of Easter Island. While the preceding are all distinct languages, they remain similar enough that Tupaia, a Tahitian travelling with Captain James Cook in 1769-1770, communicated effectively with M?ori. Speakers of modern M?ori generally report that they find the languages of the Cook Islands, including Rarotongan, the easiest amongst the other Polynesian languages to understand and converse in. See also Austronesian languages.

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Geographic distribution

Nearly all speakers are ethnic M?ori resident in New Zealand. Estimates of the number of speakers vary: the 1996 census reported 160,000, while other estimates have reported as few as 10,000 fluent adult speakers in 1995 according to the M?ori Language Commission: Te Taura Whiri i te Reo M?ori. As reported in the most recent national census in 2013, only 21.31% of M?ori (self-identified) had a conversational knowledge of the language, and only around 6.5% of those speakers, 1.4% of the total Maori population, spoke the M?ori language only. This percentage has been in decline in recent years, from around a quarter of the population to 21%. However, the number of speakers In the same census, M?ori speakers were 3.7% of the total population.

The level of competence of self-professed M?ori speakers varies from minimal to total. Statistics have not been gathered for the prevalence of different levels of competence. Only a minority of self-professed speakers use M?ori as their main language at home. The rest use only a few words or phrases (passive bilingualism).

M?ori still is a community language in some predominantly-M?ori settlements in the Northland, Urewera and East Cape areas. Kohanga reo M?ori-immersion kindergartens throughout New Zealand use M?ori exclusively. Increasing numbers of M?ori raise their children bilingually.

Urbanisation after the Second World War led to widespread language shift from M?ori predominance (with M?ori the primary language of the rural wh?nau) to English predominance (English serving as the primary language in the P?keh? cities). Therefore, M?ori-speakers almost always communicate bilingually, with New Zealand English as either their first or second language. Only around 9000 people speak the Maori language only.

The use of the M?ori language in the M?ori diaspora is far lower than in New Zealand itself. Census data from Australia show it as the home language of 11,747, 8.2% of the total Australian M?ori population in 2016, a 112% increase from 2001. The total population of Maori in Australia was 142,107 in 2016.

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Orthography

There was originally no native writing system for M?ori. It has been suggested that the petroglyphs once used by the M?ori developed into a script similar to the Rongorongo of Easter Island. However, there is no evidence that these petroglyphs ever evolved into a true system of writing. Some distinctive markings among the k?whaiwhai (rafter paintings) of meeting houses were used as mnemonics in reciting whakapapa (genealogy) but again, there was no systematic relation between marks and meanings.

The modern M?ori alphabet has 20 letters, two of which are digraphs: A ? E ? H I ? K M N O ? P R T U ? W NG and WH. Attempts to write M?ori words using the Latin script began with Captain James Cook and other early explorers, with varying degrees of success. Consonants seem to have caused the most difficulty, but medial and final vowels are often missing in early sources. Anne Salmond records aghee for aki (In the year 1773, from the North Island East Coast, p. 98), Toogee and E tanga roak for Tuki and Tangaroa (1793, Northland, p216), Kokramea, Kakramea for Kakaramea (1801, Hauraki, p261), toges for toki(s), Wannugu for Uenuku and gumera for kumara (1801, Hauraki, p261, p266, p269), Weygate for Waikato (1801, Hauraki, p277), Bunga Bunga for pungapunga, tubua for tupua and gure for kur? (1801, Hauraki, p279), as well as Tabooha for Te Puhi (1823, Northern Northland, p385).

From 1814, missionaries tried to define the sounds of the language. Thomas Kendall published a book in 1815 entitled A korao no New Zealand, which in modern orthography and usage would be He K?rero n? Aotearoa. Professor Samuel Lee, working with chief Hongi Hika and Hongi's junior relative Waikato at Cambridge University, established a definitive orthography based on Northern usage in 1820. Professor Lee's orthography continues in use, with only two major changes: the addition of wh to distinguish the voiceless bilabial fricative phoneme from the labio-velar phoneme /w/; and the consistent marking of long vowels. The macron has become the generally accepted device for marking long vowels (h?ngi), but double vowel letters have also been used (haangi).

The M?ori embraced literacy enthusiastically, and missionaries reported in the 1820s that M?ori all over the country taught each other to read and write, using sometimes quite innovative materials in the absence of paper, such as leaves and charcoal, carved wood, and hides.

Long vowels

The alphabet devised at Cambridge University was deficient in that it did not mark vowel length. The following examples show that vowel length is phonemic in M?ori:

• ata "morning", ?ta "carefully"
• mana "prestige", m?na "for him/her"
• manu "bird", m?nu "to float"
• tatari "to wait for", t?tari "to filter or analyse"
• tui "to sew", t?? "parson bird"
• wahine "woman", w?hine "women"

M?ori devised ways to mark vowel length, sporadically at first. Occasional and inconsistent vowel-length markings occur in 19th-century manuscripts and newspapers written by M?ori, including macron-like diacritics and doubling of letters. M?ori writer Hare Hongi (Henry Stowell) used macrons in his Maori-English Tutor and Vade Mecum of 1911, as does Sir ?pirana Ngata (albeit inconsistently) in his Maori Grammar and Conversation (7th printing 1953). Once the M?ori language started to be taught in universities in the 1960s, vowel-length marking was made systematic. At Auckland University, Professor Bruce Biggs (of Ng?ti Maniapoto descent) promoted the use of double vowels (e.g. Maaori); this style was standard there until Biggs died in 2000. The M?ori Language Commission, set up by the M?ori Language Act 1987 to act as the authority for M?ori spelling and orthography, favours the use of macrons, which are now the standard means of indicating long vowels. Occasionally, diaeresis are seen instead of macrons (e.g. Mäori) due to technical limitations in producing macronised vowels on typewriters and older computer systems.

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Phonology

M?ori has five phonemically distinct vowel articulations, and ten consonant phonemes.

Vowels

Although it is commonly claimed that vowel realisations (pronunciations) in M?ori show little variation, linguistic research has shown this not to be the case.

Vowel length is phonemic; but four of the five long vowels occur in only a handful of word roots, the exception being /a:/. As noted above, it has recently become standard in M?ori spelling to indicate a long vowel with a macron. For older speakers, long vowels tend to be more peripheral and short vowels more centralised, especially with the low vowel, which is long [a:] but short [?]. For younger speakers, they are both [a]. For older speakers, /u/ is only fronted after /t/; elsewhere it is [u]. For younger speakers, it is fronted [?] everywhere, as with the corresponding phoneme in New Zealand English.

As in many other Polynesian languages, diphthongs in M?ori vary only slightly from sequences of adjacent vowels, except that they belong to the same syllable, and all or nearly all sequences of nonidentical vowels are possible. All sequences of nonidentical short vowels occur and are phonemically distinct. With younger speakers, /ai, au/ start with a higher vowel than the [a] of /ae, ao/.

The following table shows the five vowel phonemes and the allophones for some of them according to Bauer 1997. Some of these phonemes occupy large spaces in the anatomical vowel triangle (actually a trapezoid) of tongue positions. For example, /u/ is sometimes realised (pronounced) as IPA [?].

Diphthongs are /a/ or /o/ followed by a mid or high vowel: /ae, ai, ao, au, oi, oe, ou/.

Consonants

The consonant phonemes of M?ori are listed in the following table. Seven of the ten M?ori consonant letters have the same pronunciation as they do in the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA). For those that do not, the IPA phonetic transcription is included, enclosed in square brackets per IPA convention.

The pronunciation of wh is extremely variable, but its most common pronunciation (its canonical allophone) is the labiodental fricative, IPA [f] (as found in English). Another allophone is the bilabial fricative, IPA [?], which is usually supposed to be the sole pre-European pronunciation, although linguists are not sure of the truth of this supposition. At least until the 1930s, the bilabial fricative was considered to be the correct pronunciation. The fact that English f gets transcribed as p and not wh in borrowings (for example, "February" becomes P?puere instead of *Wh?puere) would strongly hint that the M?ori did not perceive English /f/ to be the same sound as their wh.

Because English stops /p, t, k/ primarily have aspiration, speakers of English often hear the M?ori nonaspirated stops as English /b, d, g/. However, younger M?ori speakers tend to aspirate /p, t, k/ as in English. English speakers also tend to hear M?ori /r/ as English /l/ in certain positions (cf. Japanese r). These ways of hearing have given rise to place-name spellings which are incorrect in M?ori, like Tolaga Bay in the North Island and Otago and Waihola in the South Island. t becomes an affricate /ts/ before /i/ in modern M?ori.

ng can come at the beginning of a word, like sing-along without the "si", which is difficult for English speakers outside of New Zealand to manage.

h is pronounced as a glottal stop, [?], and wh as [?w], in some western areas of North Island.

r is typically a flap, especially before /a/. However, elsewhere it is sometimes trilled.

In borrowings from English, many English consonants are simplified to the nearest available M?ori consonant. For example, the English fricatives /t?/, /d?/, /s/ are transcribed as h, English /f/ as p, and English /l/ as r.

Syllables

Syllables in M?ori have one of the following forms: V, VV, CV, CVV. This set of four can be summarised by the notation, (C)V(V), in which the segments in parentheses may or may not be present. A syllable cannot begin with two consonant sounds (the digraphs ng and wh represent single consonant sounds), and cannot end in a consonant, although some speakers may occasionally devoice a final vowel. All possible CV combinations are grammatical, though wo, who, wu, and whu occur only in a few loanwords from English such as wuru, "wool" and whutuporo, "football".

As in many other Polynesian languages, e.g., Hawaiian, the rendering of loanwords from English includes representing every English consonant of the loanword (using the native consonant inventory; English has 24 consonants to 10 for M?ori) and breaking up consonant clusters. For example, "Presbyterian" has been borrowed as Perehipeteriana; no consonant position in the loanword has been deleted, but /s/ and /b/ have been replaced with /h/ and /p/, respectively.

Stress is typically within the last four vowels of a word, with long vowels and diphthongs counting double. That is, on the last four moras. However, stressed moras are longer than unstressed moras, so the word does not have the precision in M?ori that it does in some other languages. It falls preferentially on the first long vowel, on the first diphthong if there is no long vowel (though for some speakers never a final diphthong), and on the first syllable otherwise. Compound words (such as names) may have a stressed syllable in each component word. In long sentences, the final syllable before a pause may have a stress in preference to the normal stressed syllable.

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Dialects

Biggs proposed that historically there were two major dialect groups, North Island and South Island, and that South Island M?ori is extinct. Biggs has analysed North Island M?ori as comprising a western group and an eastern group with the boundary between them running pretty much along the island's north-south axis.

Within these broad divisions regional variations occur, and individual regions show tribal variations. The major differences occur in the pronunciation of words, variation of vocabulary, and idiom. A fluent speaker of M?ori has no problem understanding other dialects.

There is no significant variation in grammar between dialects. "Most of the tribal variation in grammar is a matter of preferences: speakers of one area might prefer one grammatical form to another, but are likely on occasion to use the non-preferred form, and at least to recognise and understand it." Vocabulary and pronunciation vary to a greater extent, but this does not pose barriers to communication.

North Island dialects

In the southwest of the island, in the Whanganui and Taranaki regions, the phoneme /h/ is a glottal stop and the phoneme /wh/ is [?w]. This difference has been the subject of considerable debate during the 1990s and 2000s over the then-proposed change of the name of the city Wanganui to Whanganui.

In T?hoe and the Eastern Bay of Plenty (northeastern North Island) ng has merged with n. In parts of the Far North, wh has merged with w.

South Island dialects

In the extinct South Island dialects, ng merged with k in many regions. Thus K?i Tahu and Ng?i Tahu are variations in the name of the same iwi (the latter form is the one used in acts of Parliament). Since 2000, the government has altered the official names of several southern place names to the southern dialect forms by replacing ng with k. New Zealand's highest mountain, known for centuries as Aoraki in southern M?ori dialects that merge ng with k, and as Aorangi by other M?ori, was later named "Mount Cook", in honour of Captain Cook. Now its sole official name is Aoraki/Mount Cook, which favours the local dialect form. Similarly, the M?ori name for Stewart Island, Rakiura, is cognate with the name of the Canterbury town of Rangiora. Likewise, Dunedin's main research library, the Hocken Collections, has the name Uare Taoka o H?kena rather than the northern (standard) Te Whare Taonga o H?kena. Goodall & Griffiths say there is also a voicing of k to g - this is why the region of Otago (southern dialect) and the settlement it is named after - Otakou (standard M?ori) - vary in spelling (the pronunciation of the latter having changed over time to accommodate the northern spelling).

The standard M?ori r is also found occasionally changed to an l in these southern dialects and the wh to w. These changes are most commonly found in place names, such as Lake Waihola and the nearby coastal settlement of Wangaloa (which would, in standard M?ori, be rendered Whangaroa), and Little Akaloa, on Banks Peninsula. M. Goodall & Griffiths claim that final vowels are given a centralised pronunciation as schwa or that they are elided (pronounced indistinctly or not at all), resulting in such seemingly-bastardised place names as The Kilmog, which in standard M?ori would have been rendered Kirimoko, but which in southern dialect would have been pronounced very much as the current name suggests. This same elision is found in numerous other southern placenames, such as the two small settlements called The Kaik (from the term for a fishing village, kainga in standard M?ori), near Palmerston and Akaroa, and the early spelling of Lake Wakatipu as Wagadib. In standard M?ori, Wakatipu would have been rendered Whakatipua, showing further the elision of a final vowel.

Despite being officially regarded as extinct, many government and educational agencies in Otago and Southland encourage the use of the dialect in signage and official documentation.

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Grammar and syntax

Bases

Biggs (1998) developed an analysis that the basic unit of M?ori speech is the phrase rather than the word. The lexical word forms the "base" of the phrase. "Nouns" include those bases that can take a definite article, but cannot occur as the nucleus of a verbal phrase; for example: ika (fish) or r?kau (tree). Plurality is marked by various means, including the definite article (singular te, plural ng?), deictic particles "t?r? r?kau" (that tree), "?r? r?kau" (those trees), possessives "taku whare" (my house), "aku whare" (my houses). Some nouns lengthen a vowel in the plural, such as wahine (woman); w?hine (women).

Statives serve as bases usable as verbs but not available for passive use, such as ora, alive or tika, correct. Grammars generally refer to them as "stative verbs". When used in sentences, statives require different syntax than other verb-like bases.

Locative bases can follow the locative particle ki (to, towards) directly, such as runga, above, waho, outside, and placenames (ki Tamaki, to Auckland).

Personal bases take the personal article a after ki, such as names of people (ki a Hohepa, to Joseph), personified houses, personal pronouns, wai? who? and Mea, so-and-so.

Particles

Like all other Polynesian languages, M?ori has a rich array of particles, which include verbal particles, pronouns, locative particles, definitives and possessives.

Verbal particles indicate aspectual properties of the verb to which they relate. They include ka (inceptive), i (past), kua (perfect), kia (desiderative), me (prescriptive), e (non-past), kei (warning, "lest"), ina or ana (punctative-conditional, "if and when"), and e ... ana (imperfect).

Pronouns have singular, dual and plural number. Different first-person forms in both the dual and the plural are used for groups inclusive or exclusive of the listener.

Locative particles refer to position in time and/or space, and include ki (towards), kei (at), i (past position), and hei (future position).

Possessives fall into one of two classes marked by a and o, depending on the dominant versus subordinate relationship between possessor and possessed: ng? tamariki a te matua, the children of the parent but te matua o ng? tamariki, the parent of the children.

Definitives include the articles te (singular) and ng? (plural) and the possessives t? and t?. These also combine with the pronouns. Demonstratives have a deictic function, and include t?nei, this (near me), t?n?, that (near you), t?r?, that (far from us both), and taua, the aforementioned. Other definitives include t?hea? (which?), and t?tahi, (a certain). Definitives that begin with t form the plural by dropping the t: t?nei (this), ?nei (these).

The indefinite article he is usually positioned at the beginning of the phrase in which it is used. The indefinite article is used when the base is used indefinitely or nominally. These phrases can be identified as an indefinite nominal phrase. The article either can be translated to the English 'a' or 'some', but the number will not be indicated by he. The indefinite article he when used with mass nouns like water and sand will always mean 'some'.

The proper article a is used for personal nouns. The personal nouns do not have the definite or indefinite articles on the proper article unless it is an important part of its name. The proper article a always being the phrase with the personal noun.

Bases as qualifiers

In general, bases used as qualifiers follow the base they qualify, e.g. "matua wahine" (mother, female elder) from "matua" (parent, elder) "wahine" (woman).

Personal pronouns

Like other Polynesian languages, M?ori has three numbers for pronouns and possessives: singular, dual and plural. For example: ia (he/she), r?ua (they two), r?tou (they, three or more). M?ori pronouns and possessives further distinguish exclusive "we" from inclusive "we", second and third. It has the plural pronouns: m?tou (we, exc), t?tou (we, inc), koutou (you), r?tou (they). The language features the dual pronouns: m?ua (we two, exc), t?ua (we two, inc), k?rua (you two), r?ua (they two). The difference between exclusive and inclusive lies in the treatment of the person addressed. M?tou refers to the speaker and others but not the person or persons spoken to ("I and some others but not you"), and t?tou refers to the speaker, the person or persons spoken to and everyone else ("you, I and others"):

• T?n? koe: hello (to one person)
• T?n? k?rua: hello (to two people)
• T?n? koutou: hello (to more than two people)

Phrase grammar

A phrase spoken in Maori can be broken up into two parts: the "nucleus" and "periphery". The nucleus can be thought of as the meaning and is the center of the phrase, whereas the periphery is where the grammatical meaning is conveyed and occurs before and/or after the nucleus.

The nucleus whare can be translated as "house", the periphery te is similar to an article "the" and the periphery nei indicates proximity to the speaker. The whole phrase, te whare nei, can then be translated as "this house".

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Calendar

From missionary times, M?ori used transliterations of English names for days of the week and for months of the year. Since about 1990 the M?ori Language Commission / Te Taura Whiri o te Reo M?ori has promoted new ("traditional") sets. Its days of the week have no pre-European equivalent but reflect the pagan origins of the English names (for example, Hina = moon). The commission based the months of the year on one of the traditional tribal lunar calendars.

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See also

• M?ori influence on New Zealand English
• M?ori Language Week (Te Wiki o te Reo M?ori)

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Footnotes

Further reading

• Benton, R. A. (1984). "Bilingual education and the survival of the Maori language". The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 93(3), 247-266. JSTOR 20705872.
• Benton, R. A. (1988). "The Maori language in New Zealand education". Language, culture and curriculum, 1(2), 75-83. doi:10.1080/07908318809525030.
• Benton, N. (1989). "Education, language decline and language revitalisation: The case of Maori in New Zealand". Language and Education, 3(2), 65-82. doi:10.1080/09500788909541252.
• Benton, R. A. (1997). The Maori Language: Dying or Reviving?. NZCER, Distribution Services, Wellington, New Zealand.
• Gagné, N. (2013). Being Maori in the City: Indigenous Everyday Life in Auckland. University of Toronto Press. JSTOR 10.3138/j.ctt2ttwzt.
• Holmes, J. (1997). "Maori and Pakeha English: Some New Zealand Social Dialect Data". Language in Society, 26(1), 65-101. JSTOR 4168750. doi:10.1017/S0047404500019412.
• Sissons, J. (1993). "The Systematisation of Tradition: Maori Culture as a Strategic Resource". Oceania, 64(2), 97-116. JSTOR 40331380. doi:10.1002/j.1834-4461.1993.tb02457.x.
• Smith, G. H. (2000). "Maori education: Revolution and transformative action". Canadian Journal of Native Education, 24(1), 57.
• Smith, G. H. (2003). "Indigenous struggle for the transformation of education and schooling". Transforming Institutions: Reclaiming Education and Schooling for Indigenous Peoples, 1-14.
• Spolsky, B.. (2003). "Reassessing M?ori Regeneration". Language in Society, 32(4), 553-578. JSTOR 4169286. doi:10.1017/S0047404503324042.
• Kendall, Thomas; Lee, Samuel (1820). A Grammar and Vocabulary of the Language of New Zealand. London: R. Watts. 
• Tregear, Edward (1891). The Maori-Polynesian comparative dictionary. Wellington: Lyon and Blair. 

References

• Banks, Sir Joseph. The Endeavour Journal of Sir Joseph Banks, Journal from 25 August 1768 - 12 July 1771. Project Gutenberg. Also available on Wikisource.
• Biggs, Bruce (1994). Does M?ori have a closest relative? In Sutton (ed.) (1994), pp. 96-105.
• Biggs, Bruce (1998). Let's Learn M?ori. Auckland: Auckland University Press.
• Biggs, Bruce (1988). Towards the study of Maori dialects. In Ray Harlow and Robin Hooper, eds. VICAL 1: Oceanic languages. Papers from the Fifth International Conference on Austronesian linguistics. Auckland, New Zealand. January 1988, Part I. Auckland: Linguistic Society of New Zealand.
• Bauer, Winifred (1997). Reference Grammar of M?ori. Auckland: Reed.
• Bauer, Winifred (1993). Maori. Routledge. Series: Routledge descriptive grammars.
• Clark, Ross (1994). Moriori and M?ori: The Linguistic Evidence. In Sutton (ed.) (1994), pp. 123-135.
• Harlow, Ray (1996). Maori. LINCOM Europa.
• Harlow, Ray (1994). M?ori Dialectology and the Settlement of New Zealand. In Sutton (ed.) (1994), pp. 106-122.
• Goodall, Maarire, & Griffiths, George (1980). Maori Dunedin. Dunedin: Otago Heritage Books.
• Sutton, Douglas G., ed. (1994). The Origins of the First New Zealanders. Auckland: Auckland University Press. p. 269. ISBN 1-86940-098-4. Retrieved 10 June 2010. 

External links

• M?ori language at DMOZ
• M?ori Language Act 1987
• M?ori language educational resources
• M?ori Language Commission (sets definitive standards).
• English and M?ori Word Translator, originally developed at the University of Otago.
• Ngata M?ori-English English-M?ori Dictionary from Learning Media; gives several options and shows use in phrases.
• Collection of historic M?ori newspapers
• Maori Phonology
• maorilanguage.net Learn the basics of M?ori Language with video tutorials
• Microsoft New Zealand M?ori Keyboard
• Maori Language Week (NZHistory) - includes a history of the M?ori language, the Treaty of Waitangi M?ori Language claim and 100 words every New Zealander should know
• Huia Publishers, catalogue includes Tirohia Kimihia the world's first M?ori monolingual dictionary for learners
• IMDb website; M?ori language films
• Publications about M?ori language from Te Puni K?kiri, the Ministry of M?ori Development
• Te Reo Maori word list A glossary of commonly used M?ori words with English translation
• Materials on Maori are included in the open access Arthur Capell collections (AC1 and AC2) held by Paradisec.

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